Dear Senator Flake: You Have One More Chance to get it Right


Senator Jeff Flake, junior senator for the State of Arizona, you made a huge mistake in the past when, as a member of the United States House of Representatives, you voted FOR the radical bill known as ENDA – Employment Non-Discrimination Act.

Senate President Harry Reid vows to bring ENDA up for a vote again prior to Thanksgiving. Don’t blow it again, Senator Flake.

Sure, Employment Non-Discrimination Act sounds nice and polite and all. But that’s how the Democrats work! You ought to know from 13 years in Congress that the more sinister the Democrat bill, the nicer-sounding name it has! Don’t take the bait again!

If passed into law, ENDA will do immeasurable harm. It is a major cornerstone of the homosexual agenda to destroy our concepts of marriage family. It is a crucial component of the radicals’ plans to reorder American society in ways that will only harm our culture and our people. Even the people pushing ENDA will be harmed by it.

ENDA is a one size fits all solution to alleged discrimination that erases all marriage-based distinctions. It grants special rights to homosexuals while ignoring those of employers:

  • ENDA special protection to a group that is already privileged and not disadvantaged.
  • The issue is not job discrimination.
  • The first “religious exemption” clause is very narrow and offers no clear protection to church-related businesses. The second “religious exemption” clause fails to offer protection for all hiring by church-related organizations or businesses. These so-called religious exemptions are more mirage than protections.
  • It is unlikely that the “religious exemption” included in the bill would survive court challenge.
  • ENDA will mandate the employment of homosexuals in inappropriate occupations.
  • ENDA violates employers’ and employees’ Constitutional freedoms of religion, speech and association.
  • ENDA will approvingly bring private behavior considered immoral by many into the public square.

Read what the Family Research Council (FRC) reported on ENDA, which has been rejected over and over again:

Like most liberals, Harry Reid disguises the bill as an anti-discrimination policy when in fact the bill itself discriminates against men and women who oppose cross-dressing or blatant homosexuality on the job. Although some people defend it as an innocent piece of anti-prejudice legislation, ENDA creates special employment protections solely on the basis of a person’s sexual preferences. Businesses would be forced to comply (or face penalties), regardless of the impact on their organization.

“The gender identity provisions,” FRC’s Peter Sprigg warns in an op-ed for CNN, “undermine the right of employers to impose reasonable dress and grooming standards, by forbidding employers to use the most fundamental standard of all — that people be dressed in a way [that’s] appropriate for their biological sex!” Not too long ago, Sen. Reid’s position — which orders employers (like preschools) to hire transvestites, transsexuals, drag queens, and drag kings — was considered “too radical” even for homosexual congressman Barney Frank!

Employers at daycares, public schools, and Christian businesses would all have to change their restroom and shower policies to accommodate men who dress like women and vice-versa. Can you imagine walking into your daughter’s classroom and seeing her teacher dressed in drag — or that same man using the ladies restroom with female students? Apparently Senate liberals can.

Apart from the bill’s obvious problems, this legislation would be a magnet for lawsuits. “[W]ith the law in place, everyone who doesn’t get hired or is removed for cause of any sort finds themselves with the opportunity to sue the employer under the new rules.”

Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) challenged the wisdom of such a policy in a statement last week. “By and large, I think all Americans should be protected,” he said, “but I’m not for any special protections based on sexual orientation.” Kudos to Senator Rubio for recognizing that this bill would be just another government club to beat businesses with. It wasn’t too long ago that homosexual activists said they just wanted “to get the government out of their bedroom.” Now we know why: they want to put their bedroom in the workplace!

Senator Flake, Senator McCain, if you support ENDA, you will go down in history among the people who threw the Constitution out the window and helped destroy our first liberty – religious freedom. Don’t make this mistake. Vote “no” on ENDA.

Good citizens of Arizona, contact Senator Flake – and Senator McCain (whose liberal wife is urging him to support ENDA) — and urge them to get it right and vote against this radical and dangerous bill. Thank you.

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Employment Non-Discrimination Act threatens free markets


One thought on “Dear Senator Flake: You Have One More Chance to get it Right

  1. The ENDA Agenda: Bad Policy

    By Ryan Anderson, The Heritage Foundation

    The U.S. Senate is expected to move forward soon on the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, or ENDA (S. 815). Since ENDA is terrible public policy, conservatives and libertarians are right to raise principled objections.

    Part of the genius of the American system of government is our commitment to protecting the liberty and First Amendment freedoms of all citizens while respecting their equality before the law. But ENDA would create special privileges based on sexual orientation and gender identity, backed up by coercive enforcement.

    ENDA would make it illegal for organizations with 15 or more employees to “fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual, or otherwise discriminate against any individual . . . because of such individual’s actual or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity.”

    The bill defines “gender identity” as “the gender-related identity, appearance, or mannerisms . . . of an individual, with or without regard to the individual’s designated sex at birth.” In other words, it creates special rights for transgendered individuals — males who dress and act as females, and females who dress and act as males — and forbids employers from considering the consequences of such behavior in the workplace.

    Of course, employers should respect the intrinsic dignity of all their employees. But ENDA is bad public policy. Its threats to our freedoms unite civil libertarians concerned about free speech and religious liberty, free marketers concerned about freedom of contract and government interference in the marketplace, and social conservatives concerned about marriage and culture:

    Civil Liberties. ENDA would trample fundamental civil liberties and unnecessarily impinge on Americans’ right to run their businesses the way they choose. Individuals should be free to form associations and contracts according to their own values and should not be coerced into accepting the federal government’s set of values.

    Free Markets¬. ENDA would further increase federal-government interference in labor markets, potentially discouraging job creation. It would not protect equality before the law, but create special privileges that are enforceable against private actors. It would impose liability on employers for alleged “discrimination” based on their employees’ subjective, self-disclosed identities and not on their objective traits.

    Traditional Values. ENDA would further weaken the marriage culture and the ability of civil society to affirm that marriage is the union of a man and a woman, and that maleness and femaleness are not arbitrary constructs but objective ways of being human. The proposed law would treat these convictions as if they were bigotry.

    ENDA also raises serious concerns regarding religious liberty. Although the bill provides some protections for religious liberty, they are inadequate and vaguely defined. They build on Title VII’s religious-liberty exemptions, which have been subject to repeated litigation with conflicting rulings by different courts.

    Still, while it isn’t clear which religious organizations would be exempted from ENDA, it is clear that the bill would not exempt those who wish to run their businesses and other organizations in keeping with their moral or religious values.

    It is hard to square ENDA’s basic purpose with any robust protection of citizens’ rights to speak freely of religious or moral convictions about marriage and sexuality. Indeed Americans are paying the price where their state or local governments have passed sexual-orientation and gender-identity statutes.

    Some defenders of the bill reply by saying that sexual orientation and gender identity are just like race, and thus deserve similar federal protections. But this analogy is false. Jim Crow laws represented pervasive, onerous, and legally enshrined obstacles to employment based on race. America has no similar history of society-wide legal prohibitions on employment based on sexual orientation or gender identity. Racial integration might not have been forthcoming in those days; in the case of sexual orientation, however, voluntary actions and market forces have emerged that undermine the clamor for federal action. For example, 88 percent of Fortune 500 companies prohibit employment decisions based on sexual orientation.

    What’s more, while race is usually readily apparent, the groups seeking special status in ENDA aren’t defined by objective characteristics. Sexual orientation and gender identity are commonly understood to be subjective, self-disclosed, and self-defined. And unlike race, sexual orientation and gender iden¬tity are usually understood to include behaviors. An employer’s decisions reasonably taking into account the behavior of employees are core personnel decisions, best left to businesses themselves — not the federal government.

    ENDA could require employment policies that undermine common sense about a host of workplace conditions, especially with regard to issues surrounding gender identity and “transgendered” employees.

    Issues of sex and gender identity are psychologically, morally, and politically fraught. But we all ought to agree that young children should be protected from having to sort through such questions before an age-appropriate introduction. ENDA, however, would prevent employers from protecting children from adult debates about sex and gender identity by barring employers from making certain decisions about transgendered employees.

    Although ENDA includes some exemptions for religious education, it provides no protection for students in other schools who could be prematurely exposed to questions about sex and gender if, for example, a male teacher returned to school identifying as a woman.

    Moreover, whatever the significance of gender identity, we can’t deny the relevance of biological sex in many contexts. An employer would be negligent to ignore the concerns of female employees about having to share bathrooms with a biological male who says he identifies as female. Failing to consider these repercussions raises a host of concerns about privacy rights. But ENDA would prevent taking these concerns into account.

    Whether you care about civil liberties, market economies, traditional values, or all three — as this author does — it’s important to see that ENDA is bad public policy.

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